If, as Margaret Thatcher believed, every Prime Minister needs a ‘Willie’, it is not unreasonable to think that a Leader of the Opposition needs one too. Thatcher was, of course referring to her trusted deputy, Willie Whitelaw, who gave her total loyalty, wise counsel and spoke his mind.
When he became leader David Cameron decided he didn’t need a formal Deputy Leader. Neither Michael Howard, nor Iain Duncan Smith had had one. William Hague appointed Peter Lilley for a year, but after he left the shadow cabinet Hague didn’t bother to replace him.
The only example of a successful Conservative Deputy Leader in modern times is Reginald Maudling, who served as Edward Heath’s deputy from 1965 until his unfortunate resignation in 1972. Heath was surprisingly reliant on Maudling but just as importantly, he performed a sounding board role for the Party. “Go and see what Reggie thinks,” was often part of the process of assessing a potential course of action, according to Maudling’s biographer, Lewis Baston.
William Hague may not have the title of Deputy Leader but that is, to all intents and purposes what he is. He deputises for Cameron at Prime Minister’s Questions and has recently been given a role overseeing policy development. Now is the time to formalise the position.
The role of John Prescott as Deputy Leader, if Alastair Campbell is to be believed, was absolutely crucial at various points in the Blair opposition. He was able to mediate, cajole and impose his views in a way which would not have been possible had he had not held the authority of the title of Deputy Leader.
It would be a recognition from David Cameron that he cannot do it all on his own and that he needs to enhance the role of several of the Shadow Cabinet’s so-called ‘big beasts’. It is difficult to think of anyone who would argue with the decision, apart, possibly, from Mrs Hague.
During his eighteen month honeymoon Cameron himself became the Conservative brand, mainly because he was far more popular than the Party he led. A cult of personality was born. The aim was to contrast the bright, fresh young leader with a new Prime Minister who was dour, clunking and introverted. Few had bargained for the fact that Gordon Brown would turn out – in the short term at least - to be exactly the opposite of what he had been for the last thirteen years.
It is a characteristic of the Conservative Party that it panics at the first whiff of grapeshot. Last weekend it was left to William Hague and David Davis to issue ‘don’t panic’ warnings to those whose bottle had gone. Davis’s call for unity was particularly noteworthy. He told the party: “David has passed his first test. Now the party must pass its first test, and that is a test of discipline.” Liam Fox made a similar call to arms in the aftermath of the grammar school fiasco.
Davis and Fox are still viewed with suspicion by some of the Cameron inner circle, despite their regular public vows of loyalty. Davis in particular has gone out of his way to support Cameron in times of crisis and has deliberately taken on a role within the Party as a lightning rod for Cameron. If he plays it right – and he won’t like the analogy – Davis can perform the same role for David Cameron, which John Prescott performed for Tony Blair in Opposition. He can sell Cameron and his platform to the Conservative Party in a way few others could. Davis understands the Party because he fought his way up through the party structures in a way which Cameron never had to.
Liam Fox also has an important role to play, but in Parliament rather than in the wider party. Fox surprised most people with the level of support he attracted in the Tory leadership campaign. His star then began to wane. He felt Cameron hadn’t given him a big enough job and that his talents were underappreciated.
Since then Fox came to Cameron’s aide over grammar schools and has begun to perform much better in his defence brief. He now has an important role to play in reassuring right wing MPs, especially the Cornerstone Group, that their faith in David Cameron is well-placed.
As Alastair Campbell’s Diaries graphically demonstrate, Tony Blair’s three years as Leader of the Opposition were characterized by a close knit team, full of difficult characters and egos the size of houses, which ruthlessly charted the course to power.
Tory MP Keith Simpson has pointed out the challenge for his colleagues this week. He wrote: “The two years before the 1997 victory demonstrate the focus, hard work, ruthlessness and imagination displayed by a group of men and women who wanted to win - and having won, to keep hold of power and make a difference. A lesson for us all.” Indeed so.
The Tories need to emulate this close-knit group, dispel the suspicions and eradicate anonymous briefings. Together, Cameron, Hague, Davis, Fox and Osborne can form a formidable core team. But the team will only succeed if they work hand in glove with total trust in one another.
